Edmund Pettus Today, Tomorrow, Forever
By: Terry Donnelly
March 14, 2015
Sometimes being a writer is just too easy. Every now and
then we get to grab some low hanging fruit that makes plying our trade seem
like child’s play.
The recent March 7th 50-year remembrance/celebration
on the Edmund Pettus Bridge in Selma, Alabama provided just such eye-level
apples.
By now we all know that the Edmund Pettus Bridge was the
scene of Bloody Sunday, the day Selma Sheriff Jim Clark got his fifteen minutes
of fame by having his sworn-in thugs (a.k.a. police officers) beat the
daylights out of marchers who were trying to march to Montgomery in peaceful
protest over the extreme voting discrimination practiced in the Old
Confederacy. Jim Clark, like his governor, George Wallace, was an unabashed
segregationist. Governor Wallace famously spoke the words “segregation today, segregation
tomorrow (it sounded more like ‘tomarra’), segregation forever” from the steps
of the administration building on the University of Alabama campus, and Clark
was fond of sporting a jazzy pin on his uniform that read “Never”. The pin
succinctly held the same message as the governor’s words.
The low fruit for writers–the far too easy irony that
lingers in history is the bridge that represents the turning point in the
successful quest for eliminating savage laws that effectively kept black voters
out of polling places–an icon now revered as sacred ground to those repressed,
is named after a Confederate General and Grand Dragon of the Ku Klux Klan.
To be sure there were a ton of Klan members on that bridge
that day. They were not decked out in their spiffy white robes and hoods, but
they were there, many toting both badges and clubs. None of them were marchers.
The Klan members and Sheriff Clark may have celebrated that day, but their
elation turned to defeat on August 6 that same summer when President Lyndon
Johnson signed the 1965 Voting Rights Act into law. Coupled with the previous year’s
Civil Rights Act, all legal barriers were torn down. Citizens were henceforth-banned
form exercising public segregation in any form.
The drama of the day is well recorded. What is missing is
the back-story.
During his time in office, President Johnson had many
conversations with Rev. Martin Luther King, Jr. Some were cordial, some edgy,
but there was always respect on both sides and a mutual desire to undo Jim Crow
laws.
In the months prior to the Selma to Montgomery march,
Johnson told King that he really wanted to get the Voting Rights Bill passed
and signed that summer. But, he needed some help by getting the public to back
the bill and flood his office with requests to do so. LBJ charged MLK with
coming up with that public outpouring of support.
King had long ago learned the power of media. Ever since
Emmett Till’s mother put her son’s badly beaten body on display after he was
killed by Klan members in 1955 for whistling at a white woman, any media
display of horrific actions by segregationists (think 1961 Freedom Rides
complete with bus burnings) was met with public outrage.
It is highly suspected that MLK planned the march, knowing
full well that his group would meet resistance from Sheriff Clark and possibly
get the media attention LBJ wanted to spur the public into vocal support; in
turn getting Congress to act. I will not go so far as to suggest that MLK knew
just how strongly Clark would react, but in its infancy the march that spurred
Bloody Sunday was as much a political calculation as a nonviolent protest.
After his conversation with Johnson, King and his team got
busy planning. On March 7th MLK led his organized protestors onto the Edmund
Pettus Bridge. Clark overreacted much like was expected, and mega media
coverage ensued. LBJ got his public outcry, Congress acted, and Johnson got out
his pens on August 6th.
After that date everyone could vote and a genius provision,
Article 4 of the act, gave the federal government jurisdiction over the states’
voting laws to quickly act on any digression or backsliding on the intent of
the law. The drafters knew any loophole would allow some states to restrict
access to the polls.
The 1965 Voting Right Act worked exactly as planned for
almost 50 years.
Those laws stood in tact and were proudly and publically
renewed in their original form by presidents of both parties protecting civil
rights until June 25, 2013 when the Supreme Court of the United States made a critical
error in judgment. Five of those nine judges naively stated that “things have
changed dramatically” in the South over the last 50 years and foolishly deemed
Section 4, the check and balance guts of the act, to be no longer needed to
monitor the voting laws in former bad behaving states and counties. Not
surprisingly, it took only two months in 2013 for several states that for 50
years had to pre-clear any voting regulation changes with the federal
government to start proposing new, un-reviewed, and obviously discriminatory
laws to once again restrict segments of the population from voting.
There is some defensive noise about the new laws being
designed to keep the polling places free of fraud (there is none in the U.S.),
and that one needs a photo I.D. to rent a car or get on an airplane, so what’s
the big deal about having one to vote? Those arguments are lame when compared
with the magnitude of the importance of citizens having free access to the
franchise. Besides, the words of the perpetrators themselves belie any such
argument. Pennsylvania House Majority Leader Mike Turzai was checking off
Republican political successes in a 2012 speech and included “voter ID, which
is gonna allow Governor Romney to win the state of Pennsylvania, done
(accomplished).”
The true motivation for changing voting laws can’t be any
clearer than that. If the states are truly protecting the integrity of the
polling place, why didn’t they submit the changes for review years ago?
I don’t advocate changing the name of the Edmund Pettus Bridge. The situational irony is too appealing to suggest altering how we
discuss history. But, restoring Article 4 of the 1965 Voting Rights Act is a
much needed cause to champion.
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